Simon Sadler. A short summary of this paper. Book Reviews of informational models from which to draw. They have selected the most effective of these models and built something greater. They give the reader the tools to navigate an area of study that is inseparable from a host of other disciplines, and whose history, for that reason, has until now remained muddy. This book thus serves as a guidebook in several ways.
It is a guide to itself. It is a guide to the study of graphic design history. But most importantly it is a guide for structuring future holistic analyses of nearly any subject. For much of that time it has been the site of California, Davis. The Endless City synthesizes both approaches, and for that reason alone represents an important contribution to the dialectic of urban studies. Hun Tsu My friends are so mad that they do not know how I have all the high quality ebook which they do not!
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The rapid expansion of car use has gone hand in hand with horizontal expansion. Increasing motorization continues to create an infrastructure legacy that matches those of the cheap oil period of the s and s, bringing with it a landscape of urban motorways, flyovers and tunnels that has a negative impact on the quality of the urban environment, causing physical severance and acoustic and air pollution. Even though fuel is no longer cheap, this has not stopped Mexico City spending most of its transport budget on the Se gun do Piso, a double-decker flyover in the middle of the city, or Mumbai investing millions of dollars in the much disputed Bandra-Worli Sea Link across one of its stunning bays.
Many others have followed suit. Despite an ongoing debate on the links between physical structure and energy use in cities, there is growing evidence that urban environments with higher- density residential and commercial buildings, a well distributed mix of uses and public transport reduce the energy footprint.
Research has shown that the so-called 'compact city' model has lower per-capita carbon emissions as long as good public transport is provided at the metropolitan and regional level,? Despite this evidence and important efforts like the C40 movement, the majority of cities globally are following the less sustainable model of urban growth. It is left to a handful of urban pioneers, like Copenhagen, Seattle, Singapore or Bogota, to implement radical, but highly successful policies that have dramatically reduced their energy footprint, reduced commuting times and improved quality oflife.
But, what do these numbers and statistics mean for both those who inhabit and those who build the city? How can the 'old' model of urbanity that has supported human existence for centuries serve us to comprehend the emerging form of'cityness' that the new century of massive global urbanization is delivering?
What is the complex relationship between urban form and city life; and how can we intervene at governance level, as policymakers, urban designers and planners to bring about positive change? These are some of the questions that have been addressed by the Urban Age project to which we now turn.
Traffic engineers, mayors, criminologists, architects, sociologists, planners.. The more we observed the complex processes of social and economic change, the more we became aware - as Saslda Sassen puts it - that the materiality of the city itself allows it to survive, while nation-states, companies, kingdoms and enterprises come and go.
Paradoxically, though, it became dear that that very materiality its 'architecture' is subject to continuous, at times violent, modification that accounts for the resilience of some cities and the failure of others to adapt to economic change and deal with the consequences of transition. Confronting urban realities across the world has confirmed that city dwellers can do better than those who live in rural areas.
Like the poorest Mumbaikars, we have found that many see their city as a 'bird of gold', a place of fortune, where you can change your destiny and fly. They can have better access to education and health. They can more easily become part of a networked, global society. But, at the same time, they consume and pollute more. They are exposed to extreme floods, violence, disease and wars. Many live without rights to land, shelter or votes, entrapped in a vicious cycle of social and spatial exclusion.
It is these fragmented topographies that bring the informal and the formal dose together, rendering them interdependent within the contemporary urban landscape. The essays in this book reveal that it has become difficult for many of the Urban Age experts to talk about their own discipline without reference to the spatial dynamics of urban change.
As Wolfgang Nowak has described in the Foreword, this process started in , when the first Urban Age conference took place in New York, followed in quick succession by five other conferences over the following two years.
The second phase continued in three hotspots of global metropolitan growth. The first took place in November in Mumbai, India's economic powerhouse where 44 newcomers per hour are swelling the 'Maximum City'.
The final conference of the series was held in November in Istanbul, with claims to being Europe's largest city even though a third of its residents live on the Asian side where 12 new residents per hour contribute to its success as one of the most resilient urban economies in the world.
U Not only do these cities represent world regions that are growing rapidly today, but their metropolitan areas expanded exponentially during the twentieth century: Mumbai by 1, per cent, Sao Paulo by7, per cent and Istanbul by 'only' 1, per cent since , even though it has quadrupled since By contrast, London only grew by 16 per cent over the same period.
The Urban Age team carried out studies on wider regional trends, working with local municipalities and institutions as part of year-long research projects that generated the material and ideas discussed at the conferences and included in this book. In Istanbul, we focused on how the profound social, cultural and economic change in a city with a 'deep history', inhabited for over years, is affecting its spatial and political landscape.
ARoad Map for the Reader The book is divided into three sections: 'Cities' contains visual essays and analytic texts which mirror the content ofUrban Age conferences held in the three core cities from to ; 'Data' is a compendium of vital statistics of all nine Urban Age cities, accompanied by a critical narrative and the results of opinion polls carried out among local residents; 'Reflections' collects the thoughts of scholars and practitioners who have followed our project, offering their perspectives on the lessons learnt for the twenty-first-century city.
Following this introductory text, the first two essays frame the critical thematic axes of the book: built form and the urban economy. Tackling the relationship between architecture and cities head -on, Deyan Sudjic offers a critique of the limits of the current discourse within the design professions when it comes to addressing the pragmatics and the poetics of'Living in the Endless City'.
Reviewing recent projects in the three Urban Age case studies, he argues that architecture has remained on the edge of the conversation about cities, and makes a rallying call to architects to get off the fence and address what cities might become.
Taking a different view, Saskia Sassen tackles the complex economies of global cities, arguing that their resilience and survival are interdependent on indeterminate infrastructure and built form.
Using examples from Istanbul, Mumbai and Sao Paulo, she describes how backward, often informal, sectors serve advanced sectors and their high-income employees, concluding that urban manufacturing plays a critical role in extending the deep histories of global cities in current times and that the specialized differences of cities have specific spatial requirements in order to allow their complex economies to grow and survive.
In the essays that investigate Mumbai in the context of other Indian cities, the authors offer different insights on governance, civic engagement, exclusion, urban culture and mobility. A common theme runs through the texts, that despite the immense poverty of its residents and inadequacy of its infrastructure, Mumbai has lessons to offer other cities around the world. The sheer density of human occupation, which Suketu Mehta describes as 'an assault on one's senses', cuts through all the essays, as does the notion of resilience and ingenuity of its residents.
Mehta connects the vibrant social economy of slums like Dharavi to the realities of Lisbon and Istanbul, arguing that the tabula rasa approach to slum redevelopment is totally out of step with the needs of a more inclusive urban society, especially one that is so lacking in resources.
Equally critical of the ambitious top-down vision for Mumbai as a 'Global City', Darryl D'Monte argues that there are many cities in Mumbai, constituted by different social and cultural identities that run the risk of being stamped out by the current coalition of state bureaucrats and vested interests. Building on this theme, Rahul Mehrotra gives a new reading of how Mumbai functions for its diverse constituencies through its 'kinetic' dimension; a city of festivals, events, in perpetual motion, continually renewing itself.
Geetam Tiwari agrees that a high population density has implicit benefits in terms of energy consumption, and while she applauds the fact that over 50 per cent ofMumbai's population commute to work by foot or by bicycle,.
Arguing that Mumbai is as politically fragmented as it is spatially, K. Sivaramakrishnan explains the power dynamics and struggles between central nation, state and local communities in the light of a much-vaunted government initiative the 74th Constitutional Amendment to devolve power downwards, which, he argues, is resulting in a significant loss of accountability.
It is left to the architect of the failed attempt to decongest old Bombay with a new centre at Navi Mumbai, Charles Cor rea, to reflect wryly that current plans for Mumbai are more hallucinations than visions, and that the establishment should look again at the city's own DNA. Rather than build a city for cars for people who cannot afford them, he proposes a single, networked and balanced system based on public transport to cope with the inevitable crisis Mumbai will face with the 'monstrous' prospect ofbecoming the largest city in the world where today over 6 million people live in slums.
The strength of the culture of social entrepreneurship and civic engagement stands out as a dominant theme emerging from the essays on Sao Paulo and other South American cities. Buenos Aires, Lima, Rio and Bogota have responded to extreme political and economic developments from the s onwards- dictatorships, revolutions, economic miracles and disasters- with a mixture of Latin hopelessness and pragmatism that reflects little faith in governments and their institutions.
Jeroen Klink addresses the institutional vacuum that has shaped urban development of this highly urbanized continent, where lack of investment and political will has, to his mind, fuelled a vicious cycle of poverty, environmental degradation and socio-spatial exclusion that has failed to make the most of the potential offered by South American cities and nations. Despite being a classic 'second city', Sao Paulo occupies a class of its own.
With over 30, dollar millionaires, one of the largest and powerful cities of the BRIC nations whose economies keep driving global growth, Sao Paulo - as Fern an do de Mello Franco argues- has fully exploited to the point of exhaustion its unique geographic location on a high plateau with rivers flowing inland to the rest of the continent, fuelling its strong export economy. Raul Juste Lores extends the narrative by describing the city as an octopus stretching out in all directions, way beyond its political state and municipal boundaries, invading its precious water reservoirs and giving in to the pressures ofland speculation that has seen the emergence of shopping malls, gated communities and business centres around the sprawling edges of this sprawling city.
Recalling Georg Simmel's preoccupations with how people would cope with the overstimulation of the metropolis, Gareth Jones suggests that the capacity for everyday life to hold on to the quality of contingency and connection is the mechanism through which excluded social groups -young people, gangs, ethnic minorities - are able to hang together in places where there is low public confidence in public institutions: politicians, planners or the police.
His view that contemporary social life is marked on the urban landscape of Mexico City, Buenos Aires and Lima is further developed by Teres a Caldeira in her account of how social difference is spatialized in Sao Paulo through a process of exclusion that keeps people apart. Echoing Teres a Caldeira's identification of the different modalities of social cohesion defined through religion, graffiti, language, gangs or crime, Jose de Souza Martins focuses on Sao Paulo's 'transitive' multi cultural immigrant communities that populate the city's strong neighbourhoods - Italian, Jewish, Spanish, Arab, German, Russian, and Ukrainian as well as Nordestinos from northeast Brazil and the more protected Japanese and Korean communities.
He describes the city as being peculiar and multicultural. Not because it accepts the cultural diversity of those who arrive in it without conflict, but mainly because it ensures each example of diversity is allowed to be what it has always been, while the fact of their daily coexistence is embraced and leads to new forms and innovations. The essays on Istanbul and its geopolitical hinterland revolve around the impact of globalization on city form and social equity, especially in a context of such physical specificity.
Provocatively, Richard Sennett synthesizes this debate into a question. Does Istanbul in the future want to look more like modern Frankfurt or Renaissance Venice as it faces the challenges of global capitalism? Deyan Sudjic takes this visual analogy further by describing Istanbul as a city as beautiful as Venice or San Francisco, but 'once you are away from the water [it becomes] as brutal and ugly as any metropolis undergoing the trauma of warp-speed urbanization: 14 Sennett's reference to a pre-modern Venice provides an interpretative framework for post-modern Istanbul.
The first 'hinge city' of the Mediterranean, Venice imported spices from India, slaves from North Africa and cloth from Asia, and then sent finished goods to Europe and the East. This notion of city as workshop, with building and places that allow for the making of things to maintain its 'hinge' status, resonates with Saskia Sassen's identification of the primacy of urban manufacturing, even in the most global of global cities.
When the environment becomes homogenized and informality is neutralized from the public spaces of the city, the 'hinge begins to rust' and the city becomes dysfunctional as a social mechanism. Hashim Sarkis develops this argument further, using spatial models based on Mediterranean historiography to analyze Istanbul's ambivalent relationship within its wider context.
This complements bmer Kampak's visual narrative of how the city is shaped by nature and its dynamic topography. He decodes Istanbul's millennia! DNA by explaining how water and steep escarpments are omnipresent, creating a uniform, accessible landscape for the residents, irrespective of their social or economic class.
Observing recent urban developments in Arab cities of the wider Mediterranean area like Beirut, Cairo and Aleppo, Sarkis concludes that Istanbul has managed to maintain, albeit in a manicured way, a unifying geography over historic epochs and to display synchronicity among its historic layers.
Instead, Asu Aksoy and ilhan Tekeli offer a trenchant criticism of the impact of the 'new round' of globalization on the city's spatial and social infrastructure.
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